In many ways, Michael Ignatieff is an unlikely political player.

He's a former professor who has held academic positions at Harvard, Oxford, Cambridge and the University of Toronto.

He's a celebrated author of 16 books, a respected public intellectual and a former journalist and documentary filmmaker who reached near-celebrity status in Britain during the 1990s.

He's also been an outspoken commentator unafraid to raise controversy: he supported the Iraq invasion in 2003 (a view he recanted in 2007), and he angered Jews when he said an Israeli attack on the Lebanese town of Qana in 2006 was a war crime.

Recently, his identity became an issue with some critics, who said Ignatieff hadn't spent enough time in Canada to lead it.

And they may have had a point: with the exception of a two-year stint as a history professor at the University of British Columbia, Ignatieff lived outside of Canada from the late 1960s until his return for the 2005 election.

Indeed, most Canadian politicians spend years in the trenches - city halls, provincial legislatures and party back rooms - before they jump to high-profile government roles.

Not Ignatieff.

Look at it this way: when former leadership rival and old friend Bob Rae was battling Tories in the Ontario legislature during the mid 1980s, Ignatieff was writing a movie screenplay about Sigmund Freud and living in England.

'Parachute' candidate or a crash landing?

While years of public service lend politicians an air of familiarity with voters, when Ignatieff landed on the national stage as a "star" Liberal candidate in 2005, many Canadians scratched their heads.

For those who did know Ignatieff's oeuvre, there was one question: why would a successful, respected academic in his late 50s swap a plum post as director of Harvard's Carr Center for Human Rights Policy for the less than glamorous world of Canadian politics?

But since 2005, it appears that Ignatieff has worked hard to connect with the country and earn the respect of his party.

First, Ignatieff had to face accusations from other parties that the Liberals had simply "parachuted" him into the Toronto riding of Etobicoke-Lakeshore.

Then, Ignatieff - the son of Russian immigrants - had to defend charges from his riding's large Ukrainian population that his work Blood and Belonging unfairly stereotyped them.

Still, Ignatieff pushed on and won his seat in a hard fought battle, even though his Liberal party was pushed out of government by Stephen Harper and the Conservatives.

"I just feel honoured to be elected," he told CTV News after his 2006 victory. "I've never been elected to anything before."

After gaining his seat in Parliament, Ignatieff worked as an associate critic for the Human Resources Ministry.

A few months later, he lost the Liberal leadership bid to Stephane Dion in 2006, despite being considered a front-runner.

"His political career has not been easy," Bob Rae told CTV's Mike Duffy Live on Tuesday, only a few hours after he effectively handed the Liberal leadership to Ignatieff by ending his own campaign.

When asked if Ignatieff may not live up to expectations, Rae defended his old college roommate and said, "Michael's pretty good ... He's a quick study."

Rae also praised Ignatieff's character and his abilities as both salesman ("he's a professional communicator") and politician ("he's earned his spurs.")

A chance for Liberal renewal

Ignatieff has proved he's capable of admitting past mistakes, a rare and welcome trait among politicians.

In 2007, in an article for The New York Times Magazine, Ignatieff wrote that he had been wrong about Iraq.

"Many of us believed, as an Iraqi exile friend told me the night the war started, that it was the only chance the members of his generation would have to live in freedom in their own country. How distant a dream that now seems," Ignatieff wrote.

"I've learned that acquiring good judgment in politics starts with knowing when to admit your mistakes."

Plus, as a relative Grit newcomer, Ignatieff isn't encumbered by the political baggage which accumulated during Jean Chretien and Paul Martin's protracted and divisive power struggle.

For many Liberals, qualities like this are a hopeful sign the party can rebuild after falling to a historic nadir in the Oct. 14 election.

And for many Canadians, the 61-year-old Ignatieff is a statesman who could build the country's reputation on the world stage.

"People, when he speaks, they listen. There's thoughtfulness there - it's not just platitudes, it's ideas," said Liberal Sen. David Smith, speaking to CTV News.

As for the question of "why politics?," Igantieff has been candid.

In an interview with the Globe and Mail, Ignatieff said that the lure of politics presented a new hurdle after working on the sidelines of world affairs.

"You say, 'Let's do something really hard.' I don't want to be someone sitting in my rocking chair at the end saying, 'Well, I passed.' And that's been true all my life. My mum used to say life isn't for sissies."

Daniel Brock, a Toronto-based lawyer and lobbyist who was instrumental in bringing Ignatieff back to Canada, told CTV Newsnet the new Grit leader has the potential to unite the country like no other politician in recent times.

"I think Michael's leadership style and vision will contrast very much with the current prime minister," said Brock.

He added that luring Ignatieff into public service in his home country was an "easy conversation to have," given that his father was celebrated Canadian diplomat George Ignatieff.

The senior Ignatieff was awarded the 1984 Pearson Medal of Peace for his international diplomacy.

Like father, like son, according to Brock.

"Michael is a very inclusive person. He wants to bring people together," he said.

"Michael is ready for the task."